#Europa universalis 4 poland free#

WЕ‚adysЕ‚aw Vasa of Poland claimed the Russian throne Great Prince of Muscovy would be the best choice for king, but due to his silence we are forced to forget him and should not mention him again. Eventually the disappointed pro-Ivan faction, represented by Jan Sierakowski, issued a statement in Sejm.

During the second interregnum, in 1574, candidature of Ivan IV was even highly regarded in Poland, however the Moscow diplomatic mission that arrived in Poland had no orders nor prerogatives to negotiate this matter. The negotiations failed, due to hostilities resulting from the Livonian War, territorial demands by Ivan (who wanted former territories of Kievan Rus', then under control of Lithuania), and decision by Ivan that Russian side will not 'lower itself to the level of other European monarchies and send a diplomatic mission to Poland begging for him to become a king'. During the interregnum, two diplomatic missions (led by MichaЕ‚ Harraburda, pisarz litewski, and JД™drzej Taranowski) were sent from Poland to Moscow to hold discussions. He had substantial support in Poland, especially among the lesser and middle nobility, who saw in him an opportunity to limit the growing power of the Polish-Lithuanian magnates. Tsar Ivan IV of Russia ('the Terrible') became a popular candidate among the Polish nobility. The idea was first broached in the 16th century after the death of the last Polish king of the Jagiellon dynasty, Sigismund II Augustus. Ivan IV of Russia was a candidate for the Polish throne Union of Brest of 1596 was a further argument for the Orthodox opponents of the closer ties between Russia and the Commonwealth, who argued that it was the prelude to Catholicization of Russia. Many Russians were afraid of polonization, as was already happening with Lithuanian and Ruthenian nobility, and a growing danger stemming from the increasing number of peasant and even noble refugees escaping the Russian Empire, to which Russian tsar Ivan responded with the policy of violent repressions, the so-called oprichnina. To transform the Russian tsardom into a republic modeled on the PolishвЂ“Lithuanian Commonwealth has proven to be a too ambitious project.

#Europa universalis 4 poland free#

ДЄlthough the Moscow side was willing to agree to some parts of the proposed treaties (like extradition of the crime suspects), it was strictly opposed to points about religious tolerance (non-Orthodox religions, especially Catholicism, were persecuted in Russia, unlike in Commonwealth, which allowed all faith to be preached) and free movement of people (according to Polish scholars). The subjects of both rulers were to be free to serve the other ruler, travel to his country, contract marriages with the other ruler's subjects, own land and go to study in the other ruler's country. Sapieha presented to Boris Godunov an elaborated idea of a union between PolandвЂ“Lithuania and Russia. The most promising negotiations took place during 1600, when a Polish diplomatic mission led by Lew Sapieha arrived in Moscow. However all proposals presented by the Polish side were rejected by the Russian tsar. The proposals of that time revolved around introducing a personal union between the Commonwealth and Russia, and various economic and political agreements (elimination of trade barriers, free movement of people, etc.), up to the creation of one country, using the framework of that led to the creation of the PolishвЂ“Lithuanian Commonwealth in the first place ( Union of Lublin of 1569). Some of the Russian boyars found the proposal attractive (like Boris Godunov, a supporter of Tsar Feodor's I candidacy) for various reasons, among them the fact that the Golden Freedoms of the Commonwealth, if applied in Russia, would weaken tsar's power and thus grant the Russian nobility a much higher status than they had enjoyed previously. The idea was also supported by the Jesuits and other papal emissaries who never ceased to entertain the idea of bringing Orthodox Russia into the Catholic fold. Proponents of such a union among the Polish nobility, including the then influential secular thinkers Jan Zamoyski and Lew Sapieha, had listed several arguments in its favor: peace on the turbulent eastern border, a powerful military ally and relatively sparsely populated territories (compared to the Polish Crown) for colonization and serfdom.